Posts Tagged ‘bloc québécois’
[NEWS] Ten #cdnpoli and #lexn43 links
- Terry Glavin at the National Post suggests that #elxn43 saw Canada unusually and unhelpfully uncaring about the wider world, here.
- Paul Wells at MacLean’s suggests that the collapse of Conservative votes in many Liberal-held areas, along other things, might mean the second Liberal government will pay less attention to Alberta.
- An independent senator says that Trudeau appointing a senator from Alberta to his cabinet, for representation, would be a poor idea. CBC reports.
- Matt Gurney at the National Post urges Albertan Conservatives to realize they are not alone in Canada.
- Andrew Scheer seems safe as leader of the Conservatives for now. CBC has it.
- The People’s Party and Maxime Bernier underperformed, but populism may yet have a future. Global News reports.
- Maxime Héroux-Legault at The Conversation suggests Liberal electoral strategies inspired the revival of the Bloc Québécois, here.
- Trudeau has promised to build the pipeline that Alberta wants. CBC has it.
- David Frum at The Atlantic shares his own critical take on #elxn43, here.
[LINK] Philippe Authier in the National Post on the problems of the Bloc Québécois
Philippe Authier writes about the problems of the Bloc.
Bloc Québécois leader Gilles Duceppe[, a]fter watching his party virtually wiped off the electoral map in 2011 — dropping from 47 MPs to two as the New Democrats grabbed the spoils — [has] come out of retirement looking for redemption.
He’s convinced the Bloc has a future, arguing that what happened in 2011 is a case of fickle yet pragmatic Quebecers indulging in strategic voting to get more out of the Canadian experience rather than a rejection Bloc ideas or him.
Plus, as he pointed out this week, the last time Quebecers went to the polls their minds were filled with the “Bon Jack” factor, a reference to the affection for former NDP leader Jack Layton who managed to woo Quebecers into forsaking the Bloc.
“The person who was responsible for us losing many ridings was not (current leader) Thomas Mulcair,” Duceppe said kicking off his campaign Sunday. “It was (the late) Jack Layton.”
Still, as another round of the Battle for Quebec kicks into gear leading to the Oct. 19 federal election, the Bloc has a long way to go to redeem itself while the NDP still appears to have the wind in its sails.
If anything, the Bloc has made itself even less appealing since the last election — a factor linked to language hardliner Mario Beaulieu.
[LINK] Two notes on changing party allegiances in Québec
The other day, Facebook’s Mike kindly linked to Chantal Hébert’s Toronto Star article, “Bloc Québécois MPs unlikely to stick around for next election”. Continuing to lose support in Québec’s regions, among non-Francophone communities, and among unions, the Bloc may plausibly disappear come the next election.
Of the four MPs who survived the NDP wave three years ago, two have since turned their backs on the Bloc. A fifth who crossed over from the NDP after the election is not expected to run again.
Ahuntsic MP Maria Mourani was shown the door by then-leader Daniel Paillé in the heat of the debate over the Parti Québécois’ proposed secularism charter last fall. She has since renounced sovereignty.
Jean-François Fortin who represents the eastern Quebec riding of Haute-Gaspésie—La Mitis—Matane—Matapédia slammed the door on his way out last week. In a statement that was more akin to a manifesto than to a resignation letter, Fortin had nothing but harsh words for new leader Mario Beaulieu whose approach to sovereignty the MP described as folkloric.
Claude Patry was elected in Jonquière—Alma on Jack Layton’s ticket three years ago only to decide he did not belong in a federalist caucus a year later. But now he is chaffing under Beaulieu’s leadership and the new leader scrambled on Monday to talk him out of following Fortin out the door. Under any scenario, few expect this MP to seek re-election next year.
Of the remaining MPs, one — Richmond—Arthabaska’s André Bellavance — has yet to say a supportive word about his new leader since he narrowly lost the leadership to Beaulieu in June.
That leaves Richelieu MP Louis Plamondon who will celebrate the 30th anniversary of his first election (as a Tory) on Sept. 4. At 71, he is both the dean of the House of Commons and the most (only?) likely Bloc incumbent to stick around for another election. If he does he may get to turn off the lights on the party that he helped create almost twenty-five years ago.
CBC’s Michelle Gagnon, meanwhile, wonders in “http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/never-mind-the-west-can-justin-trudeau-crack-fortress-quebec-1.2741145?cmp=rss”>”Never mind the West, can Justin Trudeau crack Fortress Quebec?” exactly that question. Will the Liberals progress or will the NDP consolidate its gains? Much comes down to how the Trudeau name is perceived.
Belonging, of course, is key to politics in Quebec. The nationalism that divides party support provincially often cuts across partisan lines in the federal arena.
Being a native son, as Pierre Trudeau and Brian Mulroney were, or a reinstated one as le bon Jack Layton became, can often be a deciding factor in winning Quebec and forming a national government.
True, Stephen Harper’s Conservatives have won successive governments without much backing from Quebec. But Conservative MP Denis Lebel’s current 12-day charm offensive to court Quebec voters suggests that even they know the province is not to be discounted.
By all measures, Trudeau is undeniably from here, from Montreal in particular, where he spent his teen and university years after his father retired from politics.
His French is flawless, and his knowledge of the province’s set-piece political battles almost intimate.
More, his stance on abortion, legalizing marijuana, and LGBTQ issues feel homegrown, in line with Quebecers’ more progressive instincts.
But he is also the son of a man considered by many here to have betrayed his own. First, by invoking the War Measures Act during the 1970 October Crisis, and then by outmaneuvering Quebec and leaving it on the sidelines during the 1982 constitutional negotiations.
[LINK] “NDP gains support in Tory areas, poll suggests”
The CBC’s reposting of this Canadian Press report on the changing political balance deserves to be reposted. The past decade’s ascent of the NDP from third-place national opposition party (fourth if you include the regionally-concentrated Bloc Québécois) to Official Opposition making inroads in Conservative areas is a fascinating story.
(The NDP’s ascent has strongly negative implications for the Liberal Party, especially if the apparent shift of voters from the Liberal Party to the NDP is sustained.)
The Canadian Press Harris Decima survey indicates that the NDP have 34 per cent of popular support, compared to 30 per cent for the Conservatives.
With a margin of error of 2.2 percentage points, support for the two parties could be equally split.
Still, the poll indicates that the New Democrats have become competitive in traditional Tory areas.
Among rural Canadians, the poll suggests the New Democrats have 31 per cent support, compared to 35 per cent for the Tories.
The NDP appear to have the support of 36 per cent of urban and suburban men, a number that has risen steadily since February.
Meanwhile, the Conservatives are seeing their support in that demographic appear to hover around 29 per cent, down from close to 40 per cent four months ago.
As well, the New Democrats appear to have supplanted the Liberals as the natural party among women, said Allan Gregg, chairman of Harris Decima.
“Remember this is a party that a decade ago, half the electorate said they would “never” vote for,” he said.
A Bit More Detail 